Peter J. Henriot, S.J.
Globalization: Implications for Africa

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When I left Zambia last week, one name was on everyone's lips: "El Nino." This climatic phenomenon originating in the middle of the Pacific Ocean is affecting the rainfall patterns in our land-locked African country many thousands of kilometres away. Drought is threatened, with consequent famine, disturbed social conditions, upset economic patterns, and unsettling political ramifications. "El Nino" affects many parts of the world -- perhaps also here in India -- with heavy rains, but in our country its effect is just the opposite, with the halt of rains and resultant severe drought. The awareness that we live on a very small and very inter-related globe has come home in varied and dramatic fashion in recent years, but for us in Zambia, that awareness is heightened by the serious challenge facing the country in the weeks ahead arising from such a dramatic global phenomenon.

"El Nino," I suggest, is an example in the natural order of "globalisation," the interdependence of diverse activities occurring across the expansion of the globe. At this conference we are looking at examples in the artificial, human-made order of globalisation, in the economic, political and cultural spheres of life. Specifically, we are exploring in this session analyses of the phenomenon of globalisation and its social consequences. My task here is to offer some brief reflections on the implications of globalisation for Africa. (Having lived and worked for some years in Zambia, my examples will most often be from my experience there.)

I. PREMISES

In order to understand the significance of globalisation in the African context, there are two premises that I believe focus the debate more realistically.

A. The first premise is that it is important to understand that today's "globalisation" is actually the fourth stage of outside penetration of Africa by forces which have negative social consequences for the African people's integral development. This outside penetration has occurred over the past five hundred years in a variety of forms.
The first stage was the period of slavery, during which the continent's most precious resources, African women and men, were stolen away by global traders, slavers, working for the benefit of Arab, European and North American countries. Estimates vary from two to ten million slaves extracted from the continent, with disastrous economic, social and psychological effects. I come originally from a country, the United States of America, whose industrial progress in the north during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries depended upon agricultural progress built unjustly, inhumanely, on the backs of African slaves who toiled in the fields of the south.
The second stage was the period of colonialism, when British, French, Belgium, Portuguese, Italian and German interests dictated the way that map boundaries were drawn, transportation and communication lines established, agricultural and mineral resources exploited, religious and cultural patterns introduced. Whatever minimal benefits might have come to Africans because of colonialism were far outweighed by the many negative consequences of economic exploitation, environmental degradation, and social dependencies. Indeed, many of today's ethnic conflicts which attract international attention trace their origins back to colonial stratagems.
The third stage has been described as "neo-colonialism," what Pope Paul VI called "the form of political pressures and economic suzerainty aimed at maintaining or acquiring dominance." The independence struggles begun in the late 1950's may have brought local governmental rule to the many nations of the continent but did not break the ties -- subtle and not so subtle -- that bound Africa's future to outside influences. Trade patterns, investment policies, debt arrangements, etc., all reinforced earlier conditions that were not beneficial to Africans. Another striking example was the political manipulation of African states as bargaining pawns during the Cold War, with the resulting legacies of armed conflicts, for example, in the Horn of Africa and in southern Africa.
We have now entered the fourth stage, the period of globalisation, characterised by an integration of the economies of the world through trade and financial flows, technology and information exchanges, and movement of people. The dominant actor in this stage is the free market. The globe is conceived as one market directed by profit motivations of private enterprises that know neither national boundaries nor local allegiances. In this stage, Africa experiences both minimal influence and maximum consequence.

B. The second premise is simply the statement of an obvious but not always acknowledged fact: globalisation is not working for the benefit of the majority of Africans today. While globalisation has increased opportunities for economic growth and development in some areas, there has been an increase in the disparities, and inequalities experienced especially in Africa. The Least Developed Countries 1997 Report (UNCTAD) notes that 33 of the 48 LDCs are in Africa; that the continent has the highest debt to exports ratio; that the average growth rate of these countries fell from 5.4% in 1995 to 4.6% in 1996; that the export primary commodity prices fell especially in tropical foods (e.g., coffee) and minerals (e.g., copper), areas of particular concern for Africa; and that aid flows have declined and foreign direct investment (FDI) flows have remained small.
The process of globalisation in Africa is a driving force behind the imposition of severe economic reforms under the structural adjustment programme (SAP). The burden of the transition from state-centred economies to free market economies has been borne unequally by those who already are suffering, the poor majority. SAP has meant increased prices of basic necessities, service fees for health and education, retrenchment of the formal employment force, and dismantling of local economic structures in the face of liberalised trade patterns. While neo-liberal economists argue that there may be "short-term pain but long-term gain" in the implementation of SAP, it is increasingly clear throughout Africa that the sort-term pain, for example, of social service cuts, ecological damages and industrial base erosion will in the long-term have truly disastrous effects upon any hope for an integral and sustainable human development.

II. REALITIES

The reality of globalisation as it affects Africa can be seen from examples of the structures it takes and the consequences it induces.

A. Structures

Commercial: In Africa, the commercial structures of trade and investment are key factors in economic development. These were, of course, the major instruments of the colonialism that gripped the African continent for nearly a century. In recent times, the Uruguay Round of GATT agreements are implementations of a liberalised vision that free trade and unrestricted investment will solve development problems facing the continent. But a group of African non-governmental organisations (NGOs) meeting in South Africa in April 1996, prior to the UNCTAD-IX gathering, challenged this vision on the basis of recent experiences. For example, poorer African countries have been opened up to foreign imports and firms which has led to the destruction of local enterprises. A process of "deindustrialisation" has taken place in many countries such as Zambia. Our once-flourishing textile industry has been wiped out by imports from Asia; several small industries such as tyre manufacturers and medical supply companies have folded in the face of competition from large South African firms.
The World Trade Organisation (WTO) is emerging as a very powerful actor in the globalisation process, but without much beneficial influence being exercised on its direction by African countries. The WTO is primarily an instrument of Northern governments and countries and its proposals for trade and investment are more in the interests of these elements. The promotion of foreign direct investment (FDI) is hailed as the new engine for development. But FDI flows to Africa are very small (under US$ 5 billion in 1996), are largely advantageous to only a few countries (such as South Africa), and tend to benefit the already privileged elite.

Technological: Africa is being affected in profound ways by the new electronic communication possibilities that bind together the globe in previously unimaginable ways. Personal computers, fiber electronics, satellites, cellular phones, networks of faxes, e-mail and the Internet: all of these structures make economic and political globalisation more and more a reality. Transfer of funds is almost as important as transfer of information and it is done instantaneously simply by punching keys and flipping switches. ("F1" opens, or closes, whole new worlds!) Human interface is frequently not necessary and often not desired. Throughout Africa, technological innovations are coming in rapidly and will be a major force in the future.
It is too early to say whether these technological innovations will truly benefit the majority of Africans. I know that I enjoy the advantages of e-mail and Internet connections and that it greatly enhances my work for social justice and peace in Zambia. But only a very small portion of the population of Africa presently have access to personal computers. Other technological structures are slow in developing on the continent.

Cultural: One commentator has called the process of globalisation the birth of the "McWorld" -- a cultural integration and uniformity that mesmerises the world with fast music, fast computers, and fast food. This "McWorld" is the product of the influence of MTV, McIntosh and McDonald's. Cultural imperialism is not a new phenomenon, but it assumes alarming proportions today when driven by the new technologies and profit propensities of the dynamics of globalisation.
In Africa, this cultural structure of globalisation presents specific problems. Traditional African cultures (there are many cultures in Africa, not simply one) emphasise values such as community, family, respect of life, hospitality. But these cultural values come into strong confrontation with the values communicated through Western music, movies, videos, cable and satellite television, advertisements, and the idolised figures of entertainment and sports. One analyst speaks of the "predominance of geoculture over the geopolitical and the geoeconomic." Culture is gaining ground over the traditional sources of economic and political power, and the dominant geoculture of the West is an overwhelming force against traditional African cultures.

Political: An important new factor in the process of globalisation is that there is a significant change in the geo-political structures. There has been a breakdown of the bi-polar world. With the collapse at the end of the 1980's of the Soviet Empire and the end of the Cold War, there is no longer major political division along the economic lines of capitalist and socialist countries. The West reigns supreme, and if the "New World Order" proposed after the 1991 Gulf War is not yet a reality, at least there is no serious challenge to that supremacy. We in Africa experience that dynamic with the wane of the influence of competing Super Power interests in the local affairs, for example, of Ethiopia, Angola and Mozambique, and South Africa. Where outside interests do play a role -- for example, in the current tragedies of the Great Lakes Region -- they are French and English rather than East and West.
One significant political development of globalisation in Africa is the push toward democratisation. This includes a heightened emphasis on good governance and respect for human rights. But this development is not without serious questions. First, the West pushes for political reforms that it considers compatible with the neo-liberal economic order: free politics and free markets are too closely equated. And the understanding of state activity is minimist in the global neo-liberal vision. Second, donors' demands and pressures for policy changes, even when guided by the best of humanitarian motivations, can be interpreted as yet another "imperialist" or "neo-colonialist" imposition of African states. A "back-lash" can develop against this push toward democratisation. Recent events in Zambia have provided examples of these difficulties, when in 1996 donors suspended aid over disputes regarding constitutional and electoral issues, and when political crack-downs following the failed October 1997 coup attempt have brought increased international isolation to the country.

B. Consequences

Economy: One of the starkest consequences of globalisation in Africa today in economic terms is the rendering redundant of the African people. This may appear to be a harsh overstatement, but I believe its validity can be demonstrated. Last year I participated in a major study done for the UNDP and the ILO, analysing the employment situation in the neo-liberal economic model being pursued in Zambia. Our study noted that the SAP-driven governmental policy regarded the provision of people with meaningful work as a function mainly of sustained economic growth. Employment promotion was at best of secondary importance. As a consequence, formal employment of the labour force had dropped to as low as 14% in recent years, with no explicit employment generation policy included in government programmes.
The simple definition of economy that appeals to me is: women and men working together with the earth to meet basic needs. But there is neither cooperation nor progress when local people are ignored except as factors in profit maximisation by outside interests. Women especially feel the negative effects of economic reform. Globalisation views Africa and Africans as components of a global free market, independent of considerations of livelihoods and integral human development.

Ecology: Globalisation has a two-fold ecological consequence in Africa. First, there is the climatic impact of global warming (the so-called "greenhouse effect"), caused by pollution levels in northern industrial countries, and the dangerous practice of toxic waste dumping. Environmental concerns at the global level tend to pay more attention to effects in the rich countries of the north. Again, Africa is marginalised.
Second, poverty conditions induced by the severe SAP approach means both less care of the environment by cash-strapped governments and more encroachment on nature by persons desperately struggling for survival. For example, in Zambia soil erosion and deforestation are serious problems today and will be even more serious tomorrow. Trees are cut down for charcoal manufacture (an income-generating activity of the poor), resultant negative changes in rainfall patterns are experienced (causing drought and famine), and response mechanisms of over-grazing and excessive use of chemical fertilisers spoil previously fertile soil (decreasing future productive capacities of peasant farmers). Poverty hurts the whole community of creation, the natural environment as well as the human population.

Equity: The gap between rich and poor on both the global level and on the national level increases with the spread of globalisation. The famous "champagne glass" figure of global wealth distribution was portrayed in the 1992 Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Fund (UNDP). This Report documented that the richest 20% of the world's population receives 82.7% of global income, while the poorest 20% receives 1.4%. That gap is continuing to grow, having doubled over the past thirty years. Of the 45 countries listed in the "low human development category in the 1997 Report, 33 are in sub-Saharan Africa.
The major beneficiary of globalisation in Africa, South Africa, already accounts for over 40% of the sub-Saharan GDP; its own GNP per capita of US$ 3010 contrasts sharply with Zambia's of US$ 350, Malawi's of US$ 145, and Tanzania's and Mozambique's of US$ 80. I know that India is described as a poor country, with GNP per capita of US$ 320 and over 50% of the population estimated to live below the poverty line. But the World Bank estimates more than 80% of Zambians are below the poverty line, living in households with inadequate income to meet basic daily needs. Key to equity issues, of course, is the fact of what has been called the "feminisation of poverty," with the disproportionate numbers of the poor being women and those dependent on women.

III. RESPONSES

By way of conclusion, let me very briefly suggest three sets of responses that should be of concern for this conference as it addresses globalisation from the perspective of the victims of history.

A. Analytical

From the viewpoint of the countries of the so-called "developing world" (the poor countries), keen analysis must be made of the operations and outcomes of globalisation. This analysis cannot, however, be restricted to purely economic considerations but must take account of the human dimensions of the phenomenon. This, of course, is the outlook of this present conference and it is increasingly emphasised by studies from both secular and religious sources. One of the participants in the recent "Synod on Americas" noted that "globalisation is certainly not being driven by Christian principle of solidarity. It is being driven by the motive of financial profit and, every often, by just plain greed." Our analysis should point out the root causes of the suffering experienced by the majority of the world's population, and should take as the analytical starting-point the "preferential option for the poor."

B. Political

Africa's response to globalisation must be political in the sense of coordinated efforts to stand up to dominant outside forces that work for the detriment of the people. But to be honest, efforts undertaken with prominence in Africa frequently are more self-serving critiques or unabashed acceptances -- and more rhetoric than resolves. Genuine political action is not forth-coming. The NGO community that might be expected to speak more honestly for the majority of people is frequently excluded from key decision-making processes.
The pre-eminent African political leader, Nelson Mandela, appears cautious in any critique of a globalisation process that at least initially is offering benefits to key sectors of the economy of South Africa. Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe is reported to have urged the November 1997 meeting in Libreville, Gabon of APC nations (African, Pacific and Caribbean states bound together with European states through the Lome Treaties) that these nations should discuss and negotiate more as a single bloc in order to be strong in the face of the European Union. Frederick Chiluba of Zambia embraces SAP and all its components in a very uncritical fashion. Both Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya and General Sani Abacha of Nigeria speak critically of global forces more in their own self-defense of dictatorial policies than of concern for the majority of their own citizens.

C. Ethical

1. Globalisation of solidarity: A counter-emphasis -- indeed, a "counter-cultural" emphasis -- to the driving force of globalisation that today so negatively affects Africa is offered by John Paul II's expression, "a globalisation in solidarity, a globalisation without marginalisation." The Pope asks key questions about the process: "Will everyone be able to take advantage of a global market?... Will relations between States become more equitable, or will economic competition and rivalries between peoples and nations lead humanity towards a situation of even greater instability?" Solidarity is the central theme of the 1987 encyclical, The Social Concerns of the Church, where John Paul II critiques the structures of sin that mark so much of a globalisation driven by profit and power.

2. Family of God: A distinctly African emphasis that provides an ethical critique of the present process of globalisation is found in the discussions of the African Synod (1994). Here a model of church was proposed that envisions the church as the "family of God." As such, the church must be an "instrument of universal solidarity for building a world-wide community of justice and peace." An attractive approach to a human-friendly globalisation would be based on the familial values of respect and sharing that mark African traditions.

3. Globalisation from below: Integral human development, sustainable development, depends more on harmonious human relationships than on the organisation and operation of an unfettered free market. A fundamental fault with globalisation as experienced in Africa is that it is not rooted in community but structured from above according to abstract economic laws. To counter this situation in an ethically authentic and creative fashion calls for the promotion of local communities that work for integral human development and are effectively linked with similar groups across national boundaries. Much -- but not all -- of the recent worldwide explosion of non-governmental activity (NGOs) is an expression of this effort to build globalisation from below. Indeed, this very conference this week, as well as the conference coming up here early next month, "Colonialism to Globalisation," can be steps toward a qualitatively different globalisation that will have more positive implications for Africa.

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