Andreas D
'Souza
Reconciliation
in Practice: The Indian Experience1
In 2000 I went to the wedding of Indumati.
She was one of the first students to graduate from the tailoring class
organized by the Aman Shanti
project.2 We had hired
Indumati to assist Asiya Begum,
the tailoring teacher. The wedding was arranged in the courtyard of
her house and extended into the road, which was cordoned off for the
celebration. The bride and groom along with their respective parents
and friends sat around the sacred fire under a canopy on a raised platform.
The Hindu priest kept reciting verses from the sacred scriptures as
he poured ghee (clarified butter) and sprinkled incense over the fire.
Among those who were present around the pedestal and mingling merrily
with the crowd were Indumati's Muslim colleagues
and students.
A year later I went to another wedding. This
time it was Asiya who was getting married.
Like Indumati's it was an arranged marriage. This wedding was held
in a rented function hall: men were assembled in one section with
the groom seated on a throne over a colorfully decorated podium, surrounded
by the qadi (judge) and the male friends and relatives. In another
separate section sat the bride surrounded by her female friends and
relatives. Among them were Asiya's Hindu
colleagues and students.
Insignificant as it may appear, the mixing
of the two communities on those happy occasions are part of the fruit
of our efforts to bring the divided community of Sultan Shahi
into better relationship. They are stories of change, not overnight
change but change that comes from a long and painful process of healing
injured feelings, of creating mutual trust, of rebuilding broken relationships.
Ten years back this mixing would not have happened. The elementary
school for drop-out children in the neighborhood, the tailoring
and embroidery classes for young women, the medical clinic and periodic
community health camps have attracted Muslims and Hindus over the
years and has provided space for healing, for transcending boundaries
erected in the name of religion, for building relationships. The project
runs from a former Muslim house. The owner sold it to us because he
was afraid of the Hindu neighbors and moved to a safer place. Situated
as it is between the two communities, it has become a neutral ground
for interaction, for learning each other's language, culture and religion.
It is a small step in our efforts to understand what reconciliation
means in practice. The bonds we see developing among Hindu-Muslim
children and women and through them among their men is an indication
that reconciliation is possible.
In this paper I will narrate a few stories
that help illustrate some of the programs carried out by the Henry
Martyn Institute: International Center for Research, Interfaith Relations and Reconciliation
in Hyderabad, India. I will briefly refer to the violent riots
in 1990 as the setting for the change in the focus of the Institute's
activities and the revision of its constitution, which became the
foundation for its projects aimed at reconciliation. It is my firm
belief that reconciliation cannot take place unless our efforts towards
it begin with an understanding of the root causes of violence and
its endemic and spiral nature. What follows here is a case study of
what reconciliation means
in practical terms as well as a story of my own personal struggle
to understand the meaning of reconciliation in a multi-religious,
multi-cultural society fragmented by many forces. These few
thoughts are offered with the hope that, however difficult and dangerous
the demands of reconciliation are, we cannot ignore its call if we
wish to contribute towards building a just and peaceful society.
From
Evangelism to Reconciliation
The Henry Martyn
Institute was founded in 1930 as an organ of the church for training
missionaries to evangelize Muslims. In the 1960s and 1970s it was
also engaged in interfaith dialogue, although it did not give up its
evangelistic orientation. In the worsening context of communal misunderstanding
and suspicion, of continuing riots often fomented in the name of religion, the Institute continued to change its focus and increasingly
shift to interfaith relations and reconciliation. The story of this
transformation is already well documented and I will not go into it
here.3 This change necessitated
a major revision of HMI's constitution and restatement of its goals. Its name
also changed from the former Henry
Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies.4 These were bold steps, although not everyone has agreed with
this change in direction.5
HMI's revised constitution became the foundation
for its work towards reconciliation. It indeed is a veritable magna carta,
which defines the primary goal of the Institute to be "an expression
of the Church's ministry of reconciliation". The constitution
speaks about helping churches fulfill a unique peace-making
role, of the need to study and understand Islam and other religions,
to work towards the removal of misunderstanding and suspicion, to
promote justice and peace, to collaborate with people of other faiths
on common concerns. It became the spring board for launching various
types of programs to promote reconciliation: the work with Hindus
and Muslims in the slums, the training workshops in mediation and
conflict resolution, the efforts to help empower like-minded
groups in Kashmir, Bihar, and Manipur, some of the most troubled areas
of our country, the women's interfaith journeys in which women from
different faith backgrounds travel together to discover what interfaith
means from women's perspectives.6 The focus on reconciliation
is not a means to an end but an end in itself. A declaration that
the aggressive method of proselytization
based on an imperialistic reading of the Gospel passage known as `the
great commission' (Matthew 28) has to give way to efforts at peace-building,
liberating the captives, healing the sick, feeding the hungry etc.
(Luke 4: 18).
Definitions
My colleagues and I in the Institute have
struggled to understand and 'translate the meaning of the word 7-econciliatiorr.
What does this Christian term mean when used as a focus for the life
and activity of our center? From a Christian theological perspective
it refers to the belief that we were once friends of God, through
transgression we became alienated; the sacrament of confession, general
or private, and the absolution that follows bring remission and reconcile
us to God by restoring the broken relationship. The Bible, especially
Paul, speaks about it as something already accomplished by God through
Christ's death on the cross. Christians are called to be messengers
of this 'ministry of reconciliation'. Dictionary definitions of reconciliation
reflect a Christian understanding. There is first a state of friendly
relationship followed by alienation. Reconciliation is the mending
or restoring of this broken relationship.
In October 1997 thirty-one women and
men from various Indian regions, backgrounds, faiths and commitments
met for five days in Orissa for a workshop
on Reconciliation in the Context of Communalism and Casteism
from the Perspective of the Oppressed. After much reflection, discussion
and struggle, the participants adopted the following as a working
definition of reconciliation:7
In the context of existing oppression in
India, we understand reconciliation as a process
of struggle of the people to bring together estranged persons leading
towards transformed relationships and structures based on justice.
Reconcilation in Practice: In the Aftermath
of a Riot
Back in 1990, the old city of Hyderabad was severely affected by riots that lasted
almost three weeks. During and immediately after the horrible communal
clashes I spent long painful hours in the hospital and on the streets
and had seen the consequences of politically orchestrated violence:8
the mutilated bodies of children, men and women, the burnt houses
and shops, the starving crowds confined to their homes during days
of curfew. I can still remember the sea of black veiled women surrounding
our relief truck, waiting for a little rice, or the long lines of
children waiting patiently in the scorching sun for a few biscuits.
I listened to agonizing stories of violence and suffering, and wept
with more than one of the victims. It was a terrible time.
Mending a broken relationship with God seems
easier than restoring broken trust in the immediate aftermath of a
riot. I remember an old couple stretching out their hands in front
of me asking, "with whom should we be
reconciled? Our only son is gone...".
They were poor, crippled by old age; their son had been killed on
the street through no fault of his. Who could bring back life that
was so brutally taken? Who would care for them in their old age? I
realized that reconciliation couldn't happen without addressing the
issue of justice. But who can restore justice in a riot situation
when the oppressor remains unknown?
Hyderabad has a long history of Hindu-Muslim
conflict, which has left indelible scars in the hearts and minds of
people. Every fresh riot fuels the anger and hatred and desire for
revenge. I experienced the power of hatred in the Osmania
hospital during the 1990 riots: Three young men rushed their dying
father to the emergency ward. His belly was slit from side to side,
intestines spilling out, and a stream of blood marking the passage
as his body was carried in. He was declared dead by the surgeon upon
arrival. The youngest son coming out of the ward saw a member of the
Aman Shanti Forum
doing voluntary relief work in the hospital.9 The bindi on her forehead signaled to him that she was Hindu.10
He lunged at her with a cry "I will kill them" so violently
that six police personnel could not contain him. His grief over the
death of his father had rekindled in him anger and hostility towards
the other community and a desire for revenge. In the heat of that
moment no soft talk about reconciliation would have helped. His hostile
and violent behavior towards a woman who had nothing to do with the
killing of his father is typical of many riots in our cities.
Some members of the Aman-Shanti
Forum joined the in trying different programs to bring the divided
communities together: one Friday we all fasted and in the evening
gathered to break our fast and pray for peace; women froth both communities
jointly cooked food and around three hundred of us ate together; we
started a tailoring unit for Hindu and Muslim women. These were small
projects aimed at bringing reconciliation through re-established
relationship. But our efforts seemed totally inadequate: the wounds
were too fresh, the hurt too deep. No one was willing to either forgive
or forget the past. I was frustrated, and so were many of my friends.
It was evident that deep-rooted hatred and desire for revenge
cannot be removed without a long process aimed at inner transformation.
My encounter with Vargese
opened a small window into the troubled old city. Vargese
is a member of the Montfort Brothers. a Catholic religious congregation whose main mission is education.
He invited me to Moosa Nagar,
a slum thickly populated by Muslims and a few Hindus. Adjacent to
it is Kamal Nagar, housing mostly Hindus
interspersed with Muslims. The communal tensions there were high,
the self-styled leaders exploiting the situation for political
and economic gains. Together with Vargese
and his organization, People's Initiatives Network (PIN) I began
efforts to bring the two communities together by organizing such projects
as a tailoring center for women. Two Catholic sisters from another
religious order joined the project. They and Vargese
chose to live in the slum and started a school for children in a rented
room. With funding from HMI and organizational support from PIN we
began a cycle rickshaw and pushcart cooperative for jobless young
men. HMI also funded evening classes for high school dropout children.
Vargese, the sisters and I went from door
to door raising issues of hygiene, of common programmes
to alter the condition of the slum, of getting pure drinking water.
Brother Vargese was interested in development. My heart was in reconciliation.
We put our energies together. Development for reconciliation became our goal. With tremendous energy
from PIN and collaborative support from HMI, the face of the slum
began to change.11 People were maintaining cleaner surroundings;
there was less communal tension. After five years of working together.
HMI moved on to its own development project in Sultan Shahi,
while PIN spread to many other slums along
the Musi River. These were years of rich learning: how
to transcend barriers of hostility and begin to build relationships.
I also learned something about the nature of violence itself.
The
Spiral Nature of Violence
Violence begets violence. Every act, whether
physically expressed, verbally spoken, or manifested through a gesture,
creates a reaction. The spiral nature of violence was brought home
to me as a group of us were driving on a national highway out of Hyderabad. Truck drivers are some of the most dangerous
persons on our two-lane roads: they are aggressive and heedless
of traffic rules. The unspoken rule is that bigger the vehicle, the
greater the rights. It is difficult, even dangerous, to drive on a
road used by truckers especially at night. The tragic consequences
of aggressive driving are evident all along the route: broken trucks,
crushed smaller cars, upturned lorries with their contents spilt on
the road. On this particular trip, two scenes attracted our notice.
In the first, two trucks lay wrecked on either side of the road. The
impact of their head-on collision was so powerful that the vehicles
and their contents were thrown off to opposite sides of the road.
In the second scene a woman's body lay in the middle of the road,
her head covered with leaves and the space around her marked with
mud bricks. She was a victim of someone's rash driving.
When we discussed these gruesome scenes,
I learned that most of the truck drivers do not go through a formal
driving school. Instead they learn driving by serving first as a cleaner.
They become a driver only after years of humiliating, often abusive
and aggressive apprenticeship under the driver. It seemed the suppressed
violence of those years manifests itself when the victim himself becomes
a driver. Then he bequeaths the same legacy to his own apprentice.
M.J. Akbar, a noted
Indian journalist, speaks about the legacy of violence as he describes
in a graphic way the aftermath of riots in Jamshedpur, Bihar:12
... the wounds of
the heart festering, and hate oozing from the eyes like malignant
pus that will communicate all that it touches... In the recesses of
the hospitals lie the dead, in hideous shapes, and each of them, each
man, woman and child, has written a will in the presence of a hundred
witnesses, and the will says that each member of the dead person's
family receives a legacy of hate, an equal share each; and this legacy
has no limits, no boundaries...
Akbar's words confirm what I said above about the
spiral nature of violence. Whether it be the young man at the hospital
or the truck driver on the road, or the Hindus and Muslims who killed
each other in the riots -all have left a legacy of hate that
in turn leads to desire for revenge erupting in more violence. It
is like a pebble thrown in the center of a lake. The smallest ripple
caused by that stone would create more ripples. This is what I mean
by the spiral nature of violence.
To stop violence we must address the inherited
tendency towards violence that all of us carry within us. Often we
are not conscious of its existence; it manifests itself when least
expected. For example I vent my anger from a frustrating day at office
on my spouse or my children or myself. That violence is endemic to
all of us seems self-evident. Despite good intentions to remain
calm, we often burst out angrily. Such outbursts may not be bad in
themselves; even Christ got angry and chased the merchants from the
temple. Although anger need not always be suppressed, we should be
conscious of how, when and against whom it is expressed. The internal
wounds inflicted by even a violent gesture affect the other and are
then passed on. Only by tarring our own nature can we hope to become
true agents of reconciliation.
The roots of conflicts and riots in our cities are to
be traced to the endemic, inherited and spiral nature of violence. In
the Hyderabad context it is the layers of hurt, unhealed
wounds that surface with the least provocation. It may be a small stone
thrown at the house of a neighbor, a piece of dirt cast into the courtyard
of a temple or a mosque. The deep festering wounds left by history explode
with vengeance and the conflagration takes place.
To change these, to heal centuries-old
wounds, we need a process of struggle that is hard and even dangerous.
Inter-Faith Prayer?
When I became Director of HMI in 1992, the
eight staff members were all Christians, except two Hindu office attendants.
Over the past decade we have intentionally sought to attract an interfaith
staff. Today of the thirty members more than half are Muslims and Hindus.
It was HMI's practice to begin the day's work
with prayer. As the staff began to change, I started to feel uneasy
about the form of our morning prayer-gatherings: the reading of
a Bible passage, a short reflection, followed by a prayer that starts
with "Our Father" and ends with: ”…
in the name of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ". How do we pray
together in an interfaith context? How does a Muslim participate in
a prayer addressed to Jesus? What does reconciliation mean when it comes
to the core aspects of our spiritual lives? Do we change? Do we compromise?
For some, to deviate from a Christian pattern of prayer means a betrayal.
For almost a decade we have been struggling
to understand what prayer means in a multi-cultural, mufti-religious
setting. At times the temptation has been strong to say. "Okay,
let's give up and begin with a cup of tea instead!".
I was not willing to' give up, though. If I am serious about taking
the message of reconciliation to our troubled streets, the struggle
begins at home, in the institute where I work, in my heart. Peace needs
to cone from within if reconciliation is to be translated into lived
experience.
The form that we have adopted at HMI is not
perfect, but is often empowering as each of us takes a turn to lead
the morning devotion in our own style. Thus we listen and are moved,
for example, by the profound reflections on a Quranic
passage by one of the Muslim colleagues, by a recitation of a Sanskrit
sloka "tamasoma jotir
gamaya" (lead me from darkness to
light) by a Hindu member of the staff, or by the melodious chanting,
"laudate Dominum
omnes gentes"
(Praise the Lord, all people) by a Christian faculty
member. The variations in our expressions have been spiritually enriching
for many of us. It has made space for diversity: for my Hindu colleague
to break a coconut and apply tilak (saffron powder) on my forehead,
or for a Muslim to ask the community to pray for an ailing father or
spouse. In my growing understanding of what reconciliation means, I
have come to realize that spirituality has no barriers.
Forgiveness
as a Pre-Condition for Reconciliation
One necessary condition for reconciliation
is the ability to forgive on the part of the victim and the desire for
forgiveness on the part of the oppressor. I realized how difficult it
is to bring estranged persons into relationship
by a disturbing incident that occurred in the new city of Hyderabad. The relation between Christians and Muslims
in the country has been on the whole friendly at least outwardly. There
have not been many newspaper headlines signaling open clashes between
the two communities. However, most Christians are totally ignorant of
Islam, its beliefs and practices, and have profound prejudices against
Muslims. Muslims, on the other hand, often distrust Christians especially
organizations like HMI that have missionary histories.
In August 1997 there were headlines in the
cspapers and TV broadcasts describing the
Muslim-led assault on the Principal of Rock
Memorial High School and vandalism of the school precinct.,
including desecration of some religious statues. Rock Memorial is a
Catholic-run school situated in a predominantly Muslim locality.
Of the more than thousand students at least 70 percent are said to be
Muslims. The anger of the Muslim community was roused by disrespectful
references to the Prophet in the Moral Science textbook for the 9"'
grade.
The Christian community was highly offended
by the attack. All Christian schools were closed for three days, public
processions were organized, the bishops and clergy demanded immediate
apology from the Muslim community.
They pressured the Government to punish the culprits
under the threat of closing down all Christian schools. Muslims on their
part expressed anger and demanded apology from Christians for the offence
to their Prophet. Newspapers carried front-page reports of attacks
and counter attacks, fortunately only verbal.
The roots of conflict in this case go deeper
than what appeared on the surface. A few facts help demonstrate this.
For example, the textbook in question has been in use in many Catholic
schools. Rock Memorial School had used it for half a dozen years. Why
did the conflict come at this particular point? Moreover, the communities
involved had been in relatively good terms. In fact, most Muslims in
Hyderabad prefer to send their children to Christian
schools, well respected for their educational standards. There is real
scramble for seats during admission time. Why then this conflict that
led to almost a riot situation?
A close analysis of events revealed a few
political agendas. The upcoming annual feast to honor Our Lady of Good
Health brings huge crowds to the church where the school is located.
This provides an opportunity for many small vendors to do good business.
One version of the story is that a few weeks earlier the parish priest-who
is also the school administrator-announced that unlike in previous
years the space for stalls would be auctioned off to the highest bidder.
This would make it difficult for the traditional entrepreneurs, most
of whom were Muslims, to do their business. A related dynamic was that
two Muslim political parties were vying to win over Muslims in the area.
These deeper issues were important factors contributing to the violence.
In HMI's work on this issue we learned that
we must go beyond surface issues if we want to work towards true reconciliation.
Since 1996 as part of its efforts to bring
estranged persons into friendly
relationship, the Institute has invested in learning and training
others in third party mediation techniques. Teachers, government officials,
police officers, pastors and ordinary lay people have gone through this
training. HMI's Peace Cell has also successfully intervened in a few
conflicts. Seeing the tense atmosphere that the textbook conflict caused,
HMI invited a select group of Muslims and Christians to come for a series
of meetings - first separately and then together. Both communities
were well represented and were of one opinion about the causes for the
conflict. They made a number of suggestions for follow-up actions,
including inviting the parties directly involved to come to the mediation
table.
However, HMI was unsuccessful in bringing them together
even for a first meeting. Frustrating as it was, I realized that reconciliation
could not happen unless both parties in conflict are willing to be open
for the possibility of healing.
Some
Concluding Words
As stated at the beginning of this paper
I have narrated some stories to highlight what reconciliation means
in practice. I began with a reference to the happy coming together of
Hindus and Muslims as a result of HMI's reconciliation
efforts. I spoke of HMI's background and of the change in its constitution, which
has become the foundation for many of its efforts towards reconciliation.
I referred to our struggle to define the meaning of reconciliation and
to translate that meaning into action - particularly in the aftermath
of 1990 riots. I also described HMI's attempt
at interfaith prayer in its morning devotions and its efforts to resolve
Christian-Muslim conflict.
While trying to capture on paper a decade's
experience in practical ways of peace building I have come to believe
that true reconciliation cannot happen unless 1, as an agent of reconciliation,
am committed to personal involvement in a process that aims at bringing
peace. This process is long, difficult, at times frustrating and even
dangerous. I have learnt that to be successful in bringing peace to
others I must begin with myself, with an insight into the endemic, inherited
and spiral nature of violence. I have also realized that reconciliation
cannot happen unless both the victim and the victimizer genuinely desire
to be forgiven and to forgive, which requires a long process of inner
healing and transformation. It is also true that the restoration of
lasting peace is possible only when issues of justice are addressed
adequately. For healing the inner wounds does not happen with empty
words.
I must admit that the way to reconciliation
is strewn with hurdles that sometimes
seem insurmountable. It demands commitment and prolonged struggle. To
me as a Christian and to HMI as a Christian organization the mandate
is clear: "blessed are the peace-makers for they shall be
called children of God" and so is the model: Christ whose death
on the cross brought reconciliation. To be a messenger of reconciliation
means to be ready for the cross.
Notes
1. This paper was first written for a conference on
Religion. Conflict and Reconciliation organized by the Free University
of the Netherlands in April 2001.
2. 'Aman' and 'shanti' are, respectively, the Urdu and Sanskrit words for
peace. It is the name of a reconciliation project funded and managed
by the Henry Martyn Institute with the cooperation
of the local community at Sultan Shahi in
the old city of Hyderabad.
3. See Diane D'Souza. Evangelism, Dialogue, Reconciliation: The Transformative
Journey of the Henry Martyn Institute (Hyderabad:
Henry Martyn Institute, 1998).
4. The change of focus from Islamic Studies to Interfaith
Relations reflects the Indian context where Christians are only a small
minority amidst people of many faiths, among whom an overwhelming majority
are Hindus. We have come to realize that to concentrate only upon Muslim-Christian
dynamics is socio-culturally untenable. The Institute still remains
strongly committed to promoting the respectful study of Islam in its
academic wing, and offers courses on Islam and related languages at
various levels.
5. Christians in India and abroad have criticized the Institute
for abandoning its original goal; a partner church has been reluctant
to fund programs because they are not 'evangelistic'. One member of
the faculty resigned and went to teach in an 'evangelical' Bible College because he felt that the institute was no
longer 'Christian' in orientation.
6. A succinct report on the first Women's Interfaith
Journey is available on request.
7. Their attempt to translate the word into their respective
languages was less successful: they found it difficult to convey the
dictionary meaning of the word.
8. This was during the stir for the demolition of the
disputed mosque in Ayodhya when tension between
Hindus and Muslims was extremely high. It is believed that making use
of this situation. a section of the ruling
party in Andra Pradesh, of which Hyderabad is the capital, started riots in the old
city. Their intention was to create an issue of law and order in the
city in order to get rid of the chief minister. Their modus
operandi was such that it refueled mutual suspicion among Hindus
and Muslims leading to communal violence.
9. The Aman Shanti Forum was a voluntary movement that I helped to organize
consisting of people of various faiths committed to taking action for
building inter-religious peace. It came into being just prior
to the 1990 riots and was very involved in relief work and in post-riot
activities.
10. A bindi is a marking
that a Hindu woman traditionally applies to her forehead as a sign of
being married. Today many women also wear it cosmetically.
11. One of the direct outcomes of collaboration between
PIN and HMI is the development of leadership among women. A number of
women went with us to the inner parts of the old city during the riots
in 1996.
12. M.J. Akbar,
Riot After Riot (London, Penguin.
1980). pp. 15-16.
Ref.: Journal
of the Henry Martyn Institute, Vol. 21,
n. 2, July/December 2002, pp. 94-96.